On Italian, Ibero-Romance and Romanian imperatives in -i and the fate of Latin final -e
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On Italian, Ibero-Romance and Romanian imperatives in -i and the fate of Latin final -e. / Whitehead, Benedicte Nielsen.
I: Revue Romane, Bind 47, Nr. 2, 2012, s. 283-304.Publikation: Bidrag til tidsskrift › Tidsskriftartikel › Forskning › fagfællebedømt
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TY - JOUR
T1 - On Italian, Ibero-Romance and Romanian imperatives in -i and the fate of Latin final -e
AU - Whitehead, Benedicte Nielsen
PY - 2012
Y1 - 2012
N2 - It is generally held that Latin word-final, post-tonic -e yielded *-e in Proto-Romance, even if secure attestations are lacking. However, here it is suggested that a number of forms thought to instantiate analogical replacement of expected *-e with -i are in fact phonologically regular, thus revealing that the real outcome of Lat. -e was PR *-i. The relevant forms are: a small handful of adverbs: It. oggi ‘today’ < hodie, Rm. azi ‘today’ < hac die, It./As. tardi ‘late’ < tarde, It. lungi/As. lloñi ‘far’ < longe; the 2sg. imperative of Italian, Old Portuguese and Asturian e-verbs (It. bevi/OPt. bive (with metaphony)/As. bebi ‘drink!’) as well as the Romanian 2sg. imperatives in -i (Rm. vezi ‘see!’ cazi ‘fall!’, etc.). This hypothesis renders superfluous a number of poorly understood analogies needed to explain these forms and sheds new light on the enigmatic Romanian imperative in -i and its hitherto unexplained association with transitivity.
AB - It is generally held that Latin word-final, post-tonic -e yielded *-e in Proto-Romance, even if secure attestations are lacking. However, here it is suggested that a number of forms thought to instantiate analogical replacement of expected *-e with -i are in fact phonologically regular, thus revealing that the real outcome of Lat. -e was PR *-i. The relevant forms are: a small handful of adverbs: It. oggi ‘today’ < hodie, Rm. azi ‘today’ < hac die, It./As. tardi ‘late’ < tarde, It. lungi/As. lloñi ‘far’ < longe; the 2sg. imperative of Italian, Old Portuguese and Asturian e-verbs (It. bevi/OPt. bive (with metaphony)/As. bebi ‘drink!’) as well as the Romanian 2sg. imperatives in -i (Rm. vezi ‘see!’ cazi ‘fall!’, etc.). This hypothesis renders superfluous a number of poorly understood analogies needed to explain these forms and sheds new light on the enigmatic Romanian imperative in -i and its hitherto unexplained association with transitivity.
M3 - Journal article
VL - 47
SP - 283
EP - 304
JO - Revue Romane
JF - Revue Romane
SN - 0035-3906
IS - 2
ER -
ID: 43241248